HIST 113: Canadian Business History: Innovators and Entrepreneurs

Catherine Briggs

Estimated study time: 19 minutes

Table of contents

Sources and References

  • Bliss, Michael. Northern Enterprise: Five Centuries of Canadian Business. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1987.
  • McCalla, Douglas. Planting the Province: The Economic History of Upper Canada, 1784–1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993.
  • McCalla, Douglas. Consumers in the Bush: Shopping in Rural Upper Canada. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2015.
  • Tulchinsky, Gerald. The River Barons: Montreal Businessmen and the Growth of Industry and Transportation, 1837–53, and Taking Root: The Origins of the Canadian Jewish Community.
  • Nelles, H. V. The Politics of Development: Forests, Mines and Hydro-Electric Power in Ontario, 1849–1941. Toronto: Macmillan, 1974.
  • Martin, Joe. Relentless Change: A Casebook for the Study of Canadian Business History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010.
  • Frank, David. J. B. McLachlan: A Biography, and essays on the Cape Breton coal industry.
  • Belisle, Donica. Retail Nation: Department Stores and the Making of Modern Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011.
  • McDowall, Duncan. The Light: Brazilian Traction, Light and Power Company Limited and works on the CPR and Canadian corporate history.
  • Decarie, Graeme. Essays on Quebec business, temperance, and Montreal commerce.
  • Newman, Peter C. The Canadian Establishment (volumes I and II). Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.
  • Innis, Harold A. The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1930.

Chapter 1: The Staples Framework and the Resource Frontier, c. 1500–1760

The Staples Thesis and Canadian Economic Identity

Any serious study of Canadian business history must begin with Harold Innis and the staples thesis, the interpretive framework that has shaped almost every subsequent historian’s reading of the northern half of North America. Innis argued that the economic development of Canada was driven not by the steady accumulation of manufacturing capital characteristic of older European states but by the successive exploitation of a series of raw resource commodities — fish, furs, timber, wheat, minerals, pulpwood, oil — extracted from a vast hinterland and shipped to distant metropolitan markets in Europe and, later, the United States. Each staple, Innis suggested, carried with it a distinct set of transportation requirements, labour arrangements, credit structures, and political institutions. A country built around the export of furs, dragged out of the continent by canoe brigades, would inevitably look different from one built around the export of cotton or iron.

For Michael Bliss, writing his magisterial Northern Enterprise in the 1980s, the staples story is not a tale of dependency and underdevelopment but one of improvisation, risk, and genuine entrepreneurship at the edge of empire. Both readings share a common starting point: Canada’s business history is inseparable from the geography of the St. Lawrence basin, the Canadian Shield, and the northern forests.

The Fishery and the First Commercial Ventures

Long before Jacques Cartier planted his cross at Gaspe in 1534, Basque, Breton, Norman, and West Country English fishermen were drying cod on the coasts of Newfoundland and Cape Breton. The cod fishery was the first truly capitalist enterprise in the northern Atlantic world. Merchants in ports like Saint-Malo, La Rochelle, Bristol, and Bideford organized voyages, advanced credit to masters and crews, insured vessels, and marketed salt fish into Catholic Europe. The migratory fishery, in which vessels crossed the ocean each spring and returned in the autumn, shaped the Atlantic economy for nearly three centuries.

Staple commodity: a raw or lightly processed resource exported from a hinterland economy to a metropolitan market, whose extraction organizes the transportation, labour, financial, and political systems of the exporting region.

Chapter 2: The Fur Trade and the Making of a Continental Economy

Company, Partnership, and the Logic of the Trade

The fur trade was the first enterprise in which European capital and Indigenous knowledge were welded together at continental scale. From the early seventeenth century, French merchants working through chartered companies — the Company of One Hundred Associates, the Compagnie du Nord — and later through licensed coureurs de bois and voyageurs pushed the frontier of exchange steadily westward. Beaver pelts moved down the Ottawa and St. Lawrence to Montreal, then across the Atlantic to hatters in France and the Low Countries.

After the conquest of 1760, the trade was reorganized around two rival giants. The Hudson’s Bay Company, chartered by Charles II in 1670, controlled the vast drainage basin emptying into Hudson Bay and preferred the sedentary “sit-and-wait” strategy of trading from fortified bayside posts. The Montreal-based North West Company, a shifting partnership dominated by Scottish merchants after the 1780s, pushed aggressively inland with long canoe brigades, establishing posts from Lake Superior to the Athabasca country and eventually the Pacific. Simon McTavish, the most commanding figure of the Nor’Westers, ran the partnership as a ruthless and imaginative capitalist, blending kinship networks, credit from London, and frontier violence into a genuinely transcontinental business.

Forced Merger and the End of an Era

The cost of competition was ruinous. By 1821, financial exhaustion and pressure from the British government forced the two companies to merge under the Hudson’s Bay Company name. The new HBC retained the older royal charter but inherited the North West Company’s geographical reach. For Innis, the merger marked the point at which the fur trade ceased to be the engine of economic expansion and began to recede before the advance of agricultural settlement. For Bliss, it demonstrated something more characteristic of Canadian business: the habit of resolving crises through consolidation, state backing, and oligopoly rather than through unrestrained competition.

Example: When a Nor'Wester wintered at Fort Chipewyan in 1805, his business depended on four linked layers of credit — a London banker financing the Montreal partnership, the partnership advancing trade goods to the wintering partner, the wintering partner extending those goods to Indigenous trappers, and the trappers themselves absorbing the risk of the next winter's hunt. Each layer was denominated not in sterling but in "made beaver."

Chapter 3: Merchants, Timber, and the Atlantic Economy, 1760–1860

The Rise of the Montreal Merchant Class

After 1760, a new class of largely Scottish and American merchants established themselves in Montreal and Quebec, taking over the commercial infrastructure of New France. Figures like Simon McTavish, the McGills, and later Joseph Masson — often called the first French-Canadian millionaire — built fortunes by connecting the St. Lawrence hinterland to Britain through a combination of fur, grain, and imported manufactured goods. They were wholesale merchants in the fullest sense: they advanced credit to country storekeepers, shipped country produce to Britain, brought back textiles and hardware, and dabbled in shipping, insurance, banking, and colonial politics.

Douglas McCalla’s work on Upper Canada has substantially revised the older picture of a grimly subsistence frontier. In Planting the Province and Consumers in the Bush, McCalla shows that rural Upper Canadians were remarkably quick to enter commercial relationships, buying imported tea, sugar, cloth, and tools from country stores whose ledgers reveal a dense web of credit extending from the farmhouse all the way back to Liverpool and Glasgow. The colonial economy was never simply about wheat exports; it was about the steady, almost ordinary work of merchant capitalism.

Timber and the Shift from Mercantilism

From roughly 1806, when Napoleon’s Continental System cut Britain off from Baltic timber, the pine forests of New Brunswick and the Ottawa Valley became the Empire’s principal source of ship timbers, masts, and squared lumber. The timber trade created immense fortunes — the Prices of Quebec, the Gilmours, the Hamiltons of Hawkesbury — and produced a distinctive labour regime based on seasonal shanty work, river drives, and tied store credit.

The timber trade also marked the beginning of the end of classical mercantilism. When Britain repealed the Corn Laws in 1846 and dismantled colonial timber preferences in the late 1840s, the protected market on which British North American merchants had built their fortunes suddenly vanished. The result was the commercial crisis of 1849, the Annexation Manifesto signed by Montreal merchants who briefly contemplated joining the United States, and a scramble for new commercial arrangements that culminated in the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854.

Chapter 4: Transportation, the State, and the Building of the Canadian Pacific

Canals and the St. Lawrence System

The defining Canadian business problem of the middle nineteenth century was how to move bulk commodities cheaply from the interior to tidewater in competition with the Erie Canal, which after 1825 had given New York an enormous geographic advantage over Montreal. The colonial response was a series of expensive, state-supported canal projects: the Lachine, the Welland, and eventually the deepened St. Lawrence canals of the 1840s. These projects firmly established the pattern Bliss and others have called the Canadian developmental state — the willingness of colonial and later federal governments to underwrite the fixed costs of transportation infrastructure that private capital alone was unwilling to bear.

The Grand Trunk and the Canadian Pacific

The railway age continued the pattern. The Grand Trunk Railway, built in the 1850s with heavy imperial and colonial subsidies, aimed to connect Sarnia, Toronto, Montreal, and Portland, Maine, and to capture the trade of the American Midwest. Its corporate history is a cautionary tale of over-leverage and political entanglement, but its network laid the physical basis for central Canadian industry.

The triumphant example, of course, is the Canadian Pacific Railway. Promised to British Columbia as the price of Confederation in 1871, the CPR was ultimately built by a syndicate led by George Stephen (later Lord Mount Stephen), his cousin Donald Smith (later Lord Strathcona), and the Chicago-trained railway genius William Cornelius Van Horne. Duncan McDowall and others have shown how deeply the CPR depended on the state: twenty-five million dollars in cash, twenty-five million acres of land, a twenty-year monopoly in the West, and a lavish array of tax exemptions and guarantees. Driven forward by Van Horne’s demonic energy and Smith’s political connections, the line was completed at Craigellachie in November 1885, a feat that historians have rightly identified as both a triumph of entrepreneurship and a subsidy scandal of the first order.

Remark: The CPR shows the characteristic Canadian compromise between private enterprise and public power. Private investors took the profits, but the state absorbed the risk, set the terms, and later rescued the company repeatedly through favourable freight regulation and land policy.

Chapter 5: The National Policy, Banking, and the First Wave of Industrialization

Confederation Entrepreneurs and the National Policy of 1879

John A. Macdonald’s National Policy, introduced in 1879, rested on three pillars: a protective tariff, transcontinental railway construction, and an immigration programme aimed at settling the western prairies. The tariff is the crucial element for business historians. By erecting a wall of duties, often in the range of 20 to 35 percent, the National Policy deliberately created a sheltered domestic market for Canadian manufacturers. The effect was to concentrate industry in a narrow belt between Montreal and the Niagara peninsula, where access to coal, steel, labour, and the central Canadian market was greatest.

The agricultural implement industry of Toronto and Hamilton provides the classic example. The Massey family of Newcastle and the Harris firm of Brantford merged in 1891 to form Massey-Harris, which by the end of the century was one of the British Empire’s largest manufacturers of binders, mowers, and reapers. Hart Massey combined aggressive marketing, internal reinvestment, and tariff-protected pricing to build a company capable of exporting to Europe and South America even while dominating the Canadian prairie market.

Chartered Banks and the Branch Network

Canadian banking evolved along lines strikingly different from the American system. Rather than producing thousands of small unit banks, Canada built a handful of large, nationally branched institutions under the supervision of the federal government through the Bank Act, first passed in 1871 and revised on a decennial cycle. The Bank of Montreal, founded in 1817, became the government’s fiscal agent and the model for all later Canadian chartered banks. By the early twentieth century, the Canadian Bankers’ Association coordinated the industry, and a wave of mergers had produced a small number of giants — the Bank of Montreal, the Royal Bank of Canada, the Canadian Bank of Commerce, the Dominion Bank — each with hundreds of branches reaching from Halifax to the Okanagan.

Branch banking: a banking system in which a small number of nationally chartered institutions operate extensive networks of local branches, pooling reserves and risks across regions. This model gave Canada unusual financial stability but also concentrated economic power in Montreal and Toronto.

Chapter 6: Big Business, Hydro, and the Second Industrial Revolution, 1880–1930

Steel, Coal, and Heavy Industry

The second industrial revolution came to Canada somewhat later than to the United States and Germany but brought with it the familiar apparatus of integrated steel mills, electrified factories, and continuous-process production. At Sydney, Cape Breton, the Dominion Iron and Steel Company (later DOSCO) combined local coal with imported Newfoundland iron ore. At Hamilton, the Steel Company of Canada (STELCO, formed in 1910) and the Dominion Steel Castings Company (later DOFASCO) became the industrial anchors of southern Ontario. David Frank’s work on the Cape Breton coal and steel industry has stressed both the technological achievement and the enormous human cost: J. B. McLachlan and the miners of District 26 spent the 1920s in a long, bitter war with the British Empire Steel Corporation over wages and working conditions.

Adam Beck and Public Power

Ontario’s response to the rise of industrial electricity was distinctive and has been brilliantly analyzed by H. V. Nelles in The Politics of Development. Rather than allowing private utilities to dominate the Niagara power sites, a coalition of southwestern Ontario manufacturers, small-town mayors, and Conservative politicians led by Sir Adam Beck created the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario in 1906 — the largest publicly owned utility in North America. Nelles shows how this apparent triumph of public enterprise was in fact engineered by private manufacturers who wanted cheap power without the inconvenience of paying for it. The result was a peculiarly Canadian hybrid: private industry subsidized by public infrastructure, with politicians functioning as unpaid brokers between the two.

The Merger Movement and Branch Plants

Between 1909 and 1912, Canada experienced a dramatic wave of corporate mergers that swept through cement, steel, textiles, and food processing. The flamboyant promoter Max Aitken, later Lord Beaverbrook, engineered many of the deals, including the 1910 consolidation that produced the Steel Company of Canada. These mergers consolidated dozens of small firms into a handful of national giants and established the pattern of oligopolistic competition that characterized Canadian manufacturing for the rest of the century.

The same period saw the explosive growth of the branch plant: American firms such as Ford, International Harvester, Westinghouse, and General Motors established Canadian subsidiaries, often to jump the National Policy tariff wall and gain preferential access to British Empire markets. By 1930, foreign ownership was already one of the defining features of Canadian secondary manufacturing — a fact that would preoccupy economists and politicians for the rest of the twentieth century.

Branch plant: a domestically incorporated but foreign-controlled manufacturing subsidiary, typically established to evade tariffs or to serve a protected national market. Branch plants brought investment and technology but often locked Canada into truncated, dependent industrial structures.

Chapter 7: Retail Nation, Depression, War, and the Postwar Boom

Eaton’s, Simpson’s, and the Retail Nation

No study of Canadian business history is complete without the department store. Timothy Eaton, who opened his Toronto dry-goods shop in 1869 with fixed prices, cash sales, and a money-back guarantee, built the T. Eaton Company into an institution that by the early twentieth century rivalled any retailer in the Empire. Robert Simpson’s rival firm, later controlled by the Burton family, pursued the same formula: catalogue sales, elaborate downtown flagship stores, and a careful branding of itself as a patriotic, family-friendly Canadian institution.

Donica Belisle’s Retail Nation reinterprets this history. The department stores, she argues, did not merely sell goods. They manufactured national identity. They taught Canadians — especially women — what it meant to be modern consumers, defined the rhythms of the middle-class household, and welded together a transcontinental market through catalogue distribution long before the CPR carried its first car of freight. They also depended on low-wage female labour and on exploitative relationships with suppliers and workers that the firms’ patriotic advertising was designed to obscure.

Depression, C. D. Howe, and the Business of War

The 1930s battered Canadian business but did not break it. The Bennett government’s reluctant turn toward regulation in 1934–35 produced the Bank of Canada, the Canadian Wheat Board, and a host of other institutions that would shape postwar business-state relations. More decisive was the Second World War. Under C. D. Howe, the American-born Minister of Munitions and Supply — “Minister of Everything” — the federal government created twenty-eight Crown corporations, directed the re-tooling of Canadian industry, and turned the country into the fourth-largest industrial producer among the Allied powers. Howe’s wartime network of corporate executives, seconded to Ottawa as “dollar-a-year men,” became the governing class of postwar corporate Canada.

The Postwar Boom and the Rise of National Champions

From 1945 until the early 1970s, Canada enjoyed a generation of rapid growth built on resource exports, branch-plant manufacturing, and the consumer durables revolution. The Weston family’s empire, centred on George Weston Limited and Loblaws, came to dominate food retailing. Roy Thomson built a transatlantic media empire from a single radio station in North Bay. The Bronfmans of Seagram parlayed wartime and postwar whiskey sales into one of the world’s great liquor houses and a sprawling holding company. Peter C. Newman’s The Canadian Establishment, published in 1975, cataloged this interlocking world of boardrooms, clubs, and family dynasties with a mixture of admiration and gentle mockery.

Chapter 8: Crisis, Continentalism, and the Knowledge Economy, 1970–Present

The 1970s Crisis and the National Champions

The long boom ended in the 1970s amid oil shocks, stagflation, and the constitutional crisis over Quebec. The Trudeau government responded with a sharply nationalist economic policy: the Foreign Investment Review Agency (1974), the Canada Development Corporation, Petro-Canada (1975), and the short-lived National Energy Program (1980). Joe Martin’s Relentless Change argues that this period represented the high-water mark of an older Canadian assumption — that business and the state should work together to build national champions capable of competing internationally from a Canadian base.

Free Trade and the Continental Turn

The Mulroney government’s Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA), signed in 1988, and its successor the NAFTA of 1994, reversed this assumption decisively. Continental integration became the dominant logic of Canadian business. The Bronfmans sold Seagram; the great Canadian mining houses merged into multinational giants or were taken over by foreign interests; Eaton’s, battered by Walmart and Costco, collapsed into bankruptcy in 1999. The banks, now five in number after decades of merger, expanded aggressively into the United States and the Caribbean.

The Knowledge Economy and Its Discontents

The final chapter of the story — the one still being written — is the knowledge economy. Research In Motion, founded in Waterloo in 1984 by Mike Lazaridis and Jim Balsillie, turned the BlackBerry into the world’s first indispensable smartphone before losing the platform war to Apple and Google. Shopify, founded in Ottawa in 2006 by Tobias Lutke, has become one of the largest e-commerce platforms in the world. A growing fintech and artificial-intelligence cluster stretches from Montreal through Toronto-Waterloo to Vancouver.

Yet the persistent question of Canadian business history remains unanswered: can a Canadian firm survive and thrive in a continental market without being absorbed by larger American rivals? From the Montreal merchants of 1760 to the software founders of today, the tension between a small domestic market, a vast resource hinterland, and a neighbouring colossus has shaped every chapter of the story. Understanding that tension — its opportunities and its costs — is the central task of Canadian business history.

Remark: Across five centuries, three themes recur: the dependence of Canadian business on resource staples and the transportation systems that move them; the unusually close partnership between business and the state; and the constant, never-resolved negotiation between continental integration and national autonomy.
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